SDI SDI SDI
home documents reports bulletins forum gallery news feedback

* DOCUMENT : 11

 Review of Twahangana with the Shack Dwellers Federation of Namibia and the Namibia Housing Action Group, 11-15th August 2004

 

“Twahangana is the way it is”  Federation member, Oshakati, 12 August 2004

 

Twahangana is the loan fund of the Shack Dwellers Federation of Namibia serving the needs of the 220 savings groups in rural and urban areas of the country.  The fund began in 1995 and loans are now available for housing, services and business.  All loans are distributed to members through their saving schemes.  Lending activities have grown rapidly and by 2004, there were 1,298 small business loans, 579 housing loans and 727 service loans with a total loan value of almost Namibian $10 million.  To date, the government has contributed N$ 2 million in loan finance to the Fund and almost N$2.5 million has been donated by international development assistance.   In addition, the government has routed N$ 4.35 million of Build Together loans (a state housing loan programme) through Twahangana.   However, some 2,000 Federation members have secured land and this indicates that only a significant minority of those with land feel able to borrow from the fund for housing.  The main factor preventing more house loans is affordability.

 

The Shack Dwellers Federation in Namibia and the Namibia Housing Action Group (NHAG) invited SDI to participate in a review of the Twahangana Fund.  The review group included Beth Chitekwe, Chipo and Sikye from Dialogue on Shelter and the Federation in Zimbabwe, Joyce and Rachel from the Federation in South Africa, Diana Mitlin from IIED, England and Mama Pheme (?) (a board member of NHAG and ministry official).  In addition, Rosalyn, Edith, Martha, PLUS WHO from the Federation and Anna and Heinrich (NHAG).  PLEASE ADD NAMES AND SURNAMES ETC.

 

The review was divided into three parts.  The first day (Wednesday 11th August) introduced the review group to the problems and included:

  • discussions with the Federation members of the process and the international team (the preparatory meeting), 
  • book-keepers in the Khomos region,
  • Windhoek savings scheme including Ipelegeng Bomma, Habitat II, People’s Square, United People…

 

A number of questions were identified by the preparatory meeting.  The first question asked about the ways in which Twahangana was helping or hindering the building of a strong Federation.  The second question considered whether or not book-keeping and financial information could be collected and if this financial information was useful.  The third question was related to the ownership of the Fund and the strength of Federation ownership over the Fund.  A fourth question asked about the future of the Fund and the final related question requested ideas for strengthening the Fund.

 

The second and third days were spent on four regional visits to the north (Oshana), the east (Omaheke), the coast (Erongo) and the central region (Odjozondjupa).  On Saturday the teams reconvened for a discussion of the findings with the Federation leadership and Twahangana Board.  Sunday provided an opportunity to disseminate these findings with a wider Federation group.

 

This is a personal account of the review process.  Hence it reports discussions in a limited number of experiences with highlights from some other reports. 

 

Critical challenges for Twahangana

 

“The Fund is important.  With an income of $300, the government is not going to help.  But the Federation helps” meeting with Federation leaders, 11 August 2004

 

The Federation leadership (local and national) in Namibia is profoundly concerned with Fund repayments. [1]   They explained that a considerable time is taken up in managing loans.  Federation leaders noted that people are happy to receive the loan but after about six months many become weak at repayment.  Most of those with loans are poor, however, the general conclusion is that people can afford to make repayments but choose not to. 

 

Ipelegeng Bomma are a savings scheme with 48 families resettled from the central location of the Single Quarters.  Towards the end of 2000, the City of Windhoek offered the residents land behind Havana 3 informal settlement on the outskirts of Katutura.  The members began to move onto this land in February 2001.  These households now occupy 24 erven of 300 square meters each. Two households share each stand so that a single household pays N$67 per month for the land and services. The community can obtain water through using a pre-paid card at any one of the three water pumps. There are three communal toilets.  Average incomes in 2002 were N$820, with male average incomes being N$1,152 and female incomes of N$761.  These figures were considerably lower than incomes prior to the move when combined formal and informal sector earnings enabled average incomes to reach N$1,886.  In this new location, families have struggled to maintain informal sector activities.  Further hardship is caused by the distance of the settlement from services in more central locations.  For those having to travel daily into Windhoek, the cost of private and/or public transport equals between 10 and 15 per cent respectively of their average wage.  

 

There are 19 members with housing loans and four with land and infrastructure loans.  The groups explained that they meet on Sunday afternoons for up to three hours; loan repayments are a major focus of their discussions.  They have problems with two to five of the housing loans.  They don’t chase people away if they don’t repay.  Rather they talk to them and come to an agreement, they let them pay at the end of the month – but often this does not work.  Two families have not been making payments for land repayment and they have recently been asked to leave.  The active members believe that they gave these residents many chances.

 

“We are in darkness” The meeting ended with a request by one of the members for assistance with their electricity.  There are arrears on their electricity account and they have been cut off by the city. 

 

Federation leaders described a number of recognised problems related to loan approvals and repayments.  These include the approval of loans for friends and family members, easy acceptance of excuses about repayment, lack of real ownership, the willingness of members to repay TVs and furniture debts before the Federation, poor book-keeping and alleged misappropriation by some members.   The review team was asked to consider these issues.

 

At the same time as relationships between members and Federation leaders have become based around loan repayments, it appears that internal conflicts have grown.  In the Khomas region, the savings scheme members are refusing to complete the book-keeping and are arguing that this is the responsibility of NHAG.  This lack of information means that it is difficult to assess the scale of the repayment problems.  There are also problems within savings schemes.  This was illustrated to us by the story of Habitat II.  Habitat II is one of the older schemes in Windhoek and its achievements and current problems are summarised below.   It is important to note that most savings schemes do not have problems like this. 

 

The women in Habitat II savings scheme started meeting for savings and other development activities in 1996.  At this time, they were negotiating with the municipality for a plot of land.  The members lived in backyard shacks and rented rooms.  The municipality offered the group a block of land for 120 members in 1997.  The land was against a steep hill in Hakahana, a suburb in the north-west of Windhoek.  Engineers advised the group not to buy the land because of the difficult topography.  However, after some discussions with the municipality and a consideration of the only (poorly located) alternative, the group decided to purchase the land.  Members contributed towards a fund for the clearing and levelling the land, which they call the “skoonmaak operasie”  (clean-up operation). 

 

House building started in April 2000 during the Africa City Summit.  As soon as members were ready, they moved to construct their houses.  Fifty-seven houses were completed by January 2002.  Members collectively paid for the skilled labour required for the installation of the sewer pipe.  Each member was responsible for house connections at a cost of about N$ 100.  In total, the group raised $47,395 for sewers and $3,060 for the water supply with only $8,000 coming from Twahangana.  The management of the fund and process was collective.  The group was divided into four blocks and each block had a treasurer.  Those treasurers were responsible for managing both the fundraising money and the infrastructure expenditure.  They obtained permission from the group every time withdrawals were to be made and would bring receipts back to the group. For the Twahangana Fund loan, a separate team was elected to control expenditure. 

 

However, more recently there have been problems.  Some of the money owned to the municipality for the repayment of the land was not deposited.  It is not clear if this was a problem with unenthusiastic book-keepers who delayed depositing the monies, the misappropriation of funds or the municipality not matching payments up correctly with specific groups.  After some time, the payments were clarified and the municipal staff came to confirm that the amounts were correct.  However, this is not accepted by all members.  A further problem is that the book-keeper for the Twahangana service loan had a fire in her house and the books were burnt.  It is not clear who owes want for this small loan ($8,000 originally).  Now there is a group that calls itself The Dissatisfied who want to leave the savings scheme and make their repayments direct to the municipality.  

 

In some settlements, the initial interest in savings schemes remains and the Federation mobilization process clearly still inspires poor women.  The Federation process is powerful in bringing the urban poor together, and giving them a real sense of their own identity and voice. 

 

“Twahangana is good.  Before Twahangana, I was silent.  I could not say anything.  Now I go to meetings.  I talk.”  (Savings scheme member, Oshakati, 12th August 2004)

 

However, it seems that the Federation groups struggle to maintain their collective identity and this empowerment process when savings schemes are involved in significant lending activities.  The loan repayment process appears to erode the solidarity between saving scheme members that the earlier Federation mobilization process generates.  Members explained that in many cases the individual members with loans simply drift away and do not see the point in continuing with their membership.  However, the Habitat II group demonstrates that some members are organizing against the Federation because they believe this is the best strategy to defend their interests.  Another savings scheme in Gobabis argues that their members should not pay interest, as they are the very poor, they should receive loans without any additional charge. 

 

Unfortunately there appears to be little understanding that at least some of the problems with Twahangana are structural, arising from allocating loans that require full repayment (with a subsidised interest rate in the case of housing and services) to low-income women with multiple demands on their scarce resources.  Many of the members blamed themselves for the repayment problems:

 

“The Fund is good, the problems are ourselves” (Meeting with Federation leaders, 14th August 2004)

 

We met with 34 people from 7 savings schemes in Oshakati.  All but one of the groups had received loans (small business and/or housing).  This was an active group of very committed leaders.  There was much support for Twahangana and many of the members noted that Twahangana had made a real contribution to improving housing.  However, it was also recognised that members found it hard to repay the Fund.  There were multiple reasons put forward to explain this problem.  Some felt that the Federation mobilised strongly around housing.  People came to meetings to get house loans but they did not understand the Federation.  Once they have the loan, they don’t take part any more.   Some borrowers did not even understand how the Federation could ask for repayments (or for interest) because it was meant to be there to help the poor.  It was also suggested that process was too complicated and that many members do not understand Twahangana.  One member asked if it was possible to make the process simpler.   Although the members argued that they owned the Fund, it appeared that they owned the problems rather than the strategy.

 

The members wanted the Fund to grow but they recognised that people are not repaying.  “At the end of the day, it is us who are not repaying.”  They explained that some members were too lazy, others wanted to buy tv’s.  They believed that the future of Twahangana depended on the merits of the Namibian people; if they were good, it would last, if they were bad, it would all be used up.  The primary response to lack of repayment appears to be coercive.  Members talked about how they should rent out houses for those who don’t repay (maybe letting the family remain in one room).  There were other discussions about how they might take off the roof or take possession of belongings such as TVs.

 

The group explained that members do not remain active in the fund.  Those who received housing loans appeared to have achieved their objectives in joining the Federation.  Some of those with business loans were interested in taking further loans but many were not.  We were told that some simply repaid the loans and then stopped the business activities.  Some of those who took loans did not use them for business, although they might repay the loan. 

 

The problems of repayment appear genuine in some cases.  In one savings scheme in Walvis Bay, a boy attending the meeting began to cry.  His mother had died, they could no longer make the repayments.  He did not know what was going to become of him and his brother.  The saving scheme said that they had tried to help.

 

A small group met with us in Ondengwe.  There were 15 people in this meeting from five local schemes.  There was mixed knowledge about Twahangana; some had an idea of the Fund, others had none.  “Twanhangana is a box with money from outside.  We borrow the money and put it back.” 

 

One of the savings schemes (Okangwena) has five committed members.  They meet each week, each month they collect $50 and lend it to each other in turn.  Each borrower pays back $55, that is how they have the money for administration.   When two of the younger women at the meeting talk, it is clear that another of the savings schemes is struggling.  Three or four members meet each week, one of the women last went in February, the other one joined in June.  There were three members last Sunday and together the group saved two dollars that week. 

 

One of the members of another saving scheme explained that they don’t see the need to save.  The group believes it is better to lend from Twahangana (rather than their own savings) as people are more likely to repay.  Another woman describes the considerable repayment problems that she has experienced within her group which has six housing loans.  She is now very uncertain of what to do.  “We have tried many ways to get people to repay.  We need more support.  We need to sell the houses.” 

 

Some people have managed fine and repaid their loans and stayed involved, but most do not.  Some repaid, some did not repay.  Once they had houses, the members stop being active.  (Rosalyn explained that this was similar in the situation in the South.  In the beginning, people were really keen but when they had houses, they lost interest.)  The richer people, they were the worse payers; the pensioners, they were some of the best.  

 

Many of those at the meeting seemed to have lost their confidence.  They knew that they should secure repayments from their members, but they did not know how to do it.  Their ideas to improve the Fund included better checks on affordability, involving the police, needing a lawyer to follow the Fund, closer cooperation with the town council as they allocate the land and they would need to be informed about repossession, and doing something to show people that they are really serious about repayments.  One member suggested that some kind of insurance should be offered.

 

It was explained to us that the people who can afford housing loans benefit from the interest subsidy of Build Together, the government house-lending programme.  The municipalities are reluctant to give Building Together loans to those with incomes below $1000 (CHECK) and these families are referred to the Federation.  At the moment, their loan fund is premised on the basis that the poor can afford the market price for land and infrastructure, and can build with the interest rate subsidy.  The groups in Ondengwe and Oshakati are grateful for the land they can receive.  The only service they enjoy is water and for sanitation they use pit latrines.  They ask for and receive a plot.  “The municipality is good.  It tries to help us.” 

 

In other parts of the country, the situation with respect to land acquisition is becoming more acute.  For months the Federation has been negotiating for land in Windhoek and now the municipality have offered land at $20 a square metre (with only bulk infrastructure).  NHAG is concerned that the experience of building on plots of 150 square metres has not been successful and plots of 180 square metres are needed.  Hence the cost will be almost $4,000 a plot before site infrastructure or housing.  One group in Gobabis reported that they had obtained sites for $2,500 but this was only for land and water.  In Walvis Bay there has been a long delay whilst the available land has been developed.  The municipality has had to compact the land and make major investment in bulk services.  The costs are $14,000 a plot before site infrastructure in installed.  Both Walvis Bay and Windhoek have previously expanded using incremental additions to existing bulk infrastructure.  Now major new investments are required and costs are escalating.  The principle of cost recovery means that municipalities simply pass on these costs.  Whilst the principle of incremental development also remains, these figures suggest it is becoming unaffordable. 

 

Despite these constraints, Federation members are trying to improve their lives using loans according to the principles of self-help and cost recovery.  As noted above, some members join to secure housing and once they have these loans they may or may not repay but either way they leave the Federation.  Some cannot afford to take loans.  They remain and seek to persuade members to repay their loans in the hope that when they can afford to borrow the capital will still be there for them.

 

Concluding thoughts

 

The Namibian process and the commitments of its members to develop the Twahangana Fund have exposed a number of contradictions in their strategy.  The emergence of such contradictions is not surprising given that the Fund has been operating for eight years, was initially designed without significant experience in the Namibian Federation of such funds, and the scale and diversity of Federation activities have grown considerably.  The Namibian process has been successful in developing a group of leaders with a very good understanding of the importance of addressing the needs of the poorest members and with substantial experience in managing loans.  Savings scheme members now have the opportunity to reconsider their strategies and improve them to take account of what is happening in savings schemes and the changing external context. 

 

The emerging contradictions appear to be:

 

  • Support and coercion.  The intention of the Federation is to support its members to improve their lives though better shelter, services and land security, reduced vulnerability, higher incomes and close neighbourhood networks.  Whilst members still recognise the significance of the Federation in building their confidence and capacities, they are spending considerable amounts of time developing strategies to secure repayments.  In general, they place emphasis on coercion.  However, despite these efforts, repayment problems still remain.  Some groups appear to be disheartened and to have lost confidence.  This situation appears to be threatening the core principles and activities of the Federation. 

 

During the review, a number of possible solutions emerged.  Higher income households can apply to municipalities directly for housing loans and thereby reduce the loan portfolio at risk.  Lower income members of the Federation might be encouraged to build incrementally, with small repeat loans providing an incentive for repayment and continued involvement.  Some kind of insurance may reduce the risks involved and help those in extreme conditions.  A greater willingness to reschedule loans with an encouragement to make at least minimal repayments may also assist.

 

  • Housing mobilization and longer-term solidarity.  Mobilization around housing has encouraged members to see housing as an end to their Federation activities. 

 

Despite the fact that many members are very poor, there do not appear to be self-interest reasons for their continued involvement in the Federation once they have houses.  Members are simply asked to remain to help others secure their housing and this does not seem to be a convincing argument for the very poor with multiple demands on their time.  Whilst some are interested in business loans, others (especially the poorest) do not find business opportunities.  Federation groups might be encouraged to think about how the savings schemes can address the other needs of their members (for example, electricity payments and security) so that there is a continuing reason for participation.

 

  • Self-help and redistribution.  The Federation is strongly orientated to self-help.  In no single case did Federation members suggest that the state should help with difficulties around affordability.  Leaders and members have a very positive attitude to the government which they see as helping when it can and several members mentioned the state contribution to Twahangana.  However, the municipal policy of cost recovery for land development is increasing the price of land, infrastructure and service beyond the affordability of many members. 

 

There is a need for the Federation to consider how it can use its membership and loan fund to increase state support to the urban poor.  This focus may also help to build solidarity and expand membership.

 



[1]   A minority view was that the governing body was not doing enough.